Margin of Σrror

Margin of Σrror -

GOP governors are reading the polls on whether to support Medicaid expansion | Harry J Enten

GOP governors are divided over what to do about Medicaid expansion, but their actions thus far line up with poll data

Republican governors across the US are split on whether to accept additional federal funding to expand Medicaid. Some such as New Jersey Governor Chris Christie and Florida Governor Rick Scott have said yes in order to get more federal dollars, while Indiana Governor Mike Pence and Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker have declined. Why? From a public opinion standpoint, Republicans face a catch-22: the majority of Americans want the expansion, but the Republican base doesn’t.

Per a January Kaiser poll, 52% of Americans believe the Medicaid expansion should go into effect vs. the 42% who think Medicaid should be kept the way it is. That’s far more popular than the 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act at large, which 52% of Americans want to try to change or stop to ensure it has “less impact on taxpayers, employers, and health care providers”.

When we expand it to the state level, the polling picture looks similar. The percentage of adults who believe Medicaid should be expanded after being told the state would have to pay 10% of the cost after three years is 54% in Arkansas, 62% in Florida, 51% in Kansas, and 55% in Texas. Perhaps most impressive is Iowa where more adults believe that the state should opt-in on the expansion even after being presented with Republican Governor Terry Branstad’s arguments against it.

The issue for Republican governors is that the Republican base just doesn’t agree. In the national Kaiser poll, only 16% of Republicans believe expanding Medicaid should be a “top” priority, and a mere 23% of Republicans believe that Medicaid expansion should be done at all.

The same holds on the state level. In Florida support from Republicans is 25 points lower than it is for the public at large. In the blue state of New Jersey, only two-fifth’s of Republicans like Medicaid expansion. In the swing state of Iowa, nearly four-fifth’s of GOP voters agree with Governor Branstad’s arguments against the exchange.

The result of these competing factions is a bunch of Republican governors don’t know what to do. Republicans know that the majority of the public thinks they are too extreme and unwilling to compromise. The last thing they need to do for their re-election efforts is to oppose a program that seems to be popular with the residents of their states. That’s especially the case governors with low approval ratings in purple states like Rick Scott.

At the same time, Republican governors know that conservative voters have shown very little restraint in taking out Republicans who don’t toe the party line. Former Florida Governor Charlie Crist hugged President Obama, which was the picture in the opening ad for the insurgent run for senate of Marco Rubio. Long-time Indiana Senator Dick Lugar was apparently too nice to Obama, so he received a successful primary challenge in 2012.

The same pattern seems to be occurring to Chris Christie in New Jersey and Rick Scott in Florida. Conservatives refused to invite Christie to CPAC, despite the fact that he is arguably the most conservative elected New Jersey governor in an incalculable number of years. A CPAC insider said Christie’s future role in the national Republican Party is “limited”. Christie’s exclusion is no doubt because of a number of factors such as gun control and his post-Sandy Obama love, but few would doubt that the Medicaid expansion played a roll.

Meanwhile members of Governor Scott’s own cabinet have called his move on medicaid “surrender”. Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi opposed the move and has been polled as a potential primary challenge to Scott. That’s right, there’s some chatter that Rick Scott ,who is one of the most conservative governors in the nation, might face a primary challenge.

To add to the intra-party squabbles, the normally Republican and high donation giver Hospital Associations are fearful of losing money if the Medicaid expansion is not taken by governors. They have lobbied hard. No doubt Rick Scott, a former hospital executive, was at least partially swayed by them. Most other conservative groups are, like most Republicans, against the Medicaid growth.

So what is a Republican governor to do from a re-election angle? If you’re in a deep red state, oppose the expansion. It’s doubtful that a deep red state will support a Democratic governor over this one issue. You’ll only increase the chance of a primary challenge. If you’re in a purple or blue one and potentially vulnerable for re-election, support it. You’ll get money help from the Hospital Associations to help in the primary and general elections. You also don’t want to be seen in the same lens of a national party that is already facing quite low approval ratings.

guardian.co.uk © 2013 Guardian News and Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved. | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

How the fate of gun control is tied to presidential popularity | Harry J Enten

Polling shows that Obama’s approval rating is closely correlated with opinion on gun control. That suggests trouble ahead

Want to know how people feel about President Obama’s gun control plan?

Simply ask whether they approve or disapprove of how the president and his administration are doing their job. The two questions are nearly perfectly linked, and that could have major consequences for the future of gun control legislation.

The latest ABC/Washington Post polls prove the strong relationship. Many individual gun proposals are highly popular. In fact, seven tested gun measures, including background checks and bans on assault weapons and semi-automatic handguns, have majority support ranging from 51% to 88%.

When you attach Obama’s name by calling it “Barack Obama’s proposals”, the Post discovered that 53% of Americans favor the proposals – nearly identical to Obama’s approval rating of 55% in a separate Post poll last week. Gallup found the same, with 53% in favor of Obama’s gun control plan, compared to his monthly approval rating of 52%.

Drill down to specific demographics and the link between approval of the gun plan and approval of Obama’s administration becomes even clearer. Neither the Post nor Gallup asked about the plan or Obama’s approval in the same poll. The Post did, however, enquire about Joe Biden’s favorability. Biden’s net favorable of +11 percentage points is very close to Obama’s net approval rating of +14pt from the prior poll, meaning that the two are closely correlated.

[Note: we test Biden because we are examining small sub-samples and the sampling error on margins (for example, for favorable minus unfavorable) of less than 350 people is about 10pt or greater, which makes comparing different poll sub-samples difficult. By restricting ourselves to the same sample of people, as we can with Biden's favorables and the gun package, we can compare the answers among the exact same group of respondents.]

Among the 24 subgroups tested, the correlation between a subgroup’s opinion towards Joe Biden and Obama’s gun plan is 0.98 – nearly perfect. Moreoever, 95% of the differences in subgroup net favorables on Obama’s gun plan are predicted by their respective opinions of Biden. You rarely see two variables this closely linked. That’s even higher than the strong explanatory power that evangelical voting had in forecasting the Republican primary.

The median difference between a group’s opinion towards Biden versus Obama’s gun package is 2pt, which matches the 1pt difference between favorability for Biden and Obama’s gun control package overall. That’s ridiculously small. It means that if a respondent liked Biden, who substitutes for the administration, then the person liked the gun plan. Among independent voters, Biden’s net favorable is +5pt, and the net favorable impression of Obama’s plan is +7pt. Republican responders register -51pt net favorables for both. Among region, the median difference is only 3pt. Biden, for example, had a net favorable of +12pt in the south, while Obama’s gun plan had a favorable of +10pt. In the battleground of the midwest, Biden stood at +4pt and Obama’s gun plan was at +5pt net favorable.

So much for the correlation, but what does it mean for the future of gun control legislation?

In short, it means the gun control debate is likely heading in the direction of healthcare. In that political fight, as with this one, individual proposals polled well, but attaching Obama’s name to a proposal polarized opinion.

The key difference this time is that the net approval for Obama and his administration is about 14pt higher than it was when the healthcare bill passed in March 2010. That’s at least part of the reason why Obama’s gun safety proposals are polling much higher than his healthcare reform bill did three years ago.

This is also the main explanation for why President Obama’s gun plan is doing fairly well among independents and southerners. Obama lost both groups in the 2012 election, yet his post-election bounce has temporarily endeared him to them.

The chances are that he can’t maintain this surge in popularity, as most second-term bounces don’t last as long as the first-term ones. Obama will likely maintain a positive net approval overall, but not among certain subgroups. If his subgroup approval eventually matches his election margins, then he’ll start to show negative numbers among independents and southerners.

The question, then, is whether the high correlation between support for Obama’s administration and its gun policy signals that support for gun control is also poised to drop. It makes sense that it would. I’d also anticipate that this drop will be among the same subgroups as for Obama’s overall approval. That’ll mean that the current support for the gun plan among independents and southerners goes up in smoke.

Many House representatives up for re-election in 2014 are likely aware of the relationship between Obama’s gun proposals and his approval. Right now, that’s not an issue, but a fall in Obama’s approval would make this high correlation a problem. I don’t believe that legislators from areas where Obama’s approval is negative would want to be associated with a bill whose popularity is tied directly to presidential ratings. I’m talking about senators from red states who are committed to opposition, or waffling, on gun control – like Max Baucus, Mark Begich, Tim Johnson, Mary Landrieu, Mark Pryor, and, to a lesser extent, Kay Hagan.

So, we shouldn’t be surprised by a decline in support for Obama’s gun control package, nor by more obfuscation from vulnerable Democrats, who want to tread very carefully on guns. This doesn’t mean any gun package is over before it’s begun. Universal background checks, which are supported by about 90% of the public, seem to be picking up some steam.

But gun control legislation, on the whole, will be difficult to pass – and not just on the face of the proposals, but because red state legislators facing re-election simply won’t want to be associated a bill so closely tied to the popularity of President Obama.

guardian.co.uk © 2013 Guardian News and Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved. | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds